A Provisional Dictator in Cairo
By Jacinthe Ahmed Assaad
The newly democratically-elected president of Egypt, Mohamed Morsi, redefined democracy when he announced a constitutional decree that puts him above the law. Granting himself quasi-divine power and preventing all legal actions against his forthcoming decisions, Morsi explains that his actions are temporary until the constitution is written and the People’s Assembly is formed.
This move, though, violates the democratic process and emphatically disables the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) from objecting to, or nullifying, decisions of the Constituent Assembly in charge of drafting the new constitution. Liberals, Christians, and the only woman on that committee recently all quit, which leaves the Muslim Brotherhood and other right-wing parties in control. This puts in jeopardy minority and women’s rights, and guarantees a religious and rigid constitution that in the future cannot be legally amended.
Morsi pretends to safeguard the demands of the revolution and bring justice to its martyrs, while monopolizing legislative, executive and administrative power in the hands of one party. Admittedly, the SCC is an obstacle to the president’s attempts at consolidating power, since it might have dissolved the Constituent Assembly. Yet his efforts to undercut the Court’s power backfired, as the Judges’ Club, which includes senior members of the judiciary, chose to strike until Morsi retracts his decree. His attempt to placate the judges by clarifying (vaguely) that only “sovereign” matters couldn’t be challenged by the judicial system did not appease them: they demand a full retraction of the constitutional decree of November 22, 2012.
Once again, Tahrir Square was swarmed with a revolutionary crowd calling for the president’s removal. This time, no Muslim Brotherhood partisan took part in the massive demonstration, which included even the “Couch Party” (those who watched the revolution unfold from the comfort of their living-rooms), as well as the feloul (supporters of the Mubarak regime and the former status-quo). The new president managed to do what the 2011 revolution failed to do: unite the opposition. Subverting the rule of law and blatantly disregarding the process that brought him to power, Morsi has in fact delegitimized his own presidency, as many Egyptian citizens refuse to let another pharaoh rule. However, Morsi’s decree now defines a clear break in the political sphere, as well as a division between the people. Egyptian politics and citizens are definitely polarized, and this polarization could lead to dangerous confrontations.
It did not go unnoticed that Morsi's decree came right after his seemingly heroic role in the Gaza ceasefire. On the international front, Morsi is proving to be an appeasing ally of the U.S. in the Middle-East, having given access to US troops to Sinai—a move that Mubarak in his 30 years refused. In exchange, he gets carte blanche and a concerned shrug from the White House about his new absolute power over national affairs. The making of an Islamist dictator seems to be legitimate and acceptable when the dictator furthers U.S. foreign policies.
It seems obvious that the Egyptian revolution has become a rhetorical tool deployed in the assertion of power. In my lifetime, I have never heard a president proclaim himself a provisional dictator to safeguard the revolution until national safety and stability are established. That sounds like a page from a badly-written history book covering fascism—the president’s new nickname is Morsilini. On another page, we might underscore that a country needs a constitution and a People’s Assembly before electing a president. In some misguided efforts to speed up process and contain people’s discontent, a freshly cooked constitution was voted upon in less than 24 hours! Now the Egyptian people are faced with another national referendum on a constitution that was written to serve the rights of one party.
Meanwhile, Time Magazine is asking whether Morsi should be Person of the Year! Admittedly, candidates include Bashar Assad and Benjamin Netanyahu, so it might be a joke!
Egyptians have proven we will not idly watch as another dictator writes our history for the next decades. (Truthfully it would be an oligarchy, as Morsi is actually merely the representative of the Muslim Brotherhood—and the second choice, at that!) Almost two years on, the Egyptian revolution is far from over. I wouldn’t say it is in crisis, since the revolution itself reflects a crisis. Now, the people in Tahrir Square are demanding a bigger square! They moved their demonstrations to Itehadeya—in front of the presidential palace.
In this most recent civil uprising, the revolutionaries are standing up against a constitution that jeopardizes the demands of January 25 revolution of 2011, and the Muslim Brotherhood is still acting like an opposition party—instead of the ruling one. Morsi seems unable to engage in a dialogue with any opposition, stepping away from all negotiations after a very limited discussion time, and having his Vice-President do all the talking. The President might have canceled his latest decree, but his decision to push forward an express-constitution will prove divisive and detrimental to Egypt’s path towards a democracy not dominated by religious parties.
In an attempt to "protect" the revolution, our deluded president has provoked another uprising.
From December, 2012
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